These actions of the governors threaten to undermine the legitimacy of future elections, including the gubernatorial and presidential contests. It would not be surprising if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu faces pressure to replicate this manipulative election strategy in the 2027 general elections. The logic is simple: if governors can manipulate elections to their advantage with relative ease, why shouldn’t the president do the same at the national level?
It’s shocking and laughable that ruling parties, which barely secured victories in gubernatorial elections, are now winning local government council elections by landslides. In some states, even parties that had never won elections are sweeping all council seats, often at the behest of influential governors seeking to undermine their political rivals.
The abuse of the local government by state governors in Nigeria is a pressing concern that threatens the very foundation of our democratic structure. While the Federal Government ensures the timely disbursement of funds to all tiers of government — state and local council allocations through the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) — the reality is that many state governors exert undue control over local government resources. This is particularly evident in the misuse of the State Local Government Joint Accounts (SLGJA), which, though intended to streamline funding, often become instruments of financial manipulation at the state level.
Recognising that the Federal Government guarantees each tier of government its statutory allocations, state governors have no legitimate reason to deny local councils their rightful shares. This was underscored by the landmark Supreme Court ruling of 11 July, which mandated the direct disbursements of federal allocations to elected councils, to curb gubernatorial interference in local government finances.
However, in anticipation of and in order to circumvent their limited access to local government funds, many governors swiftly orchestrated elections to consolidate their control over the council positions – and finances. The predictable results have seen ruling parties dominate the polls in nearly every state. These so-called “victories” do little to inspire confidence, as the elected officials often act as mere extensions of gubernatorial power.
The lack of genuine competition is hardly surprising, given that appointees of governors manage each State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC). The recent wave of local government elections have hence followed a clear pattern: The preferred parties of governors consistently won. Handpicked candidates easily claim the titles of local government chairpersons and councillors through questionable processes, often coordinated behind the scenes by state governors.
While one might have expected an outcry, only a few voices have raised concerns. The election observation group, Yiaga Africa, recently highlighted the troubling development and recommended remediation in the form of civic education, genuine competition and a transparent electoral process. The entrenched realities make these recommendations ideals that are almost unattainable.
While the Supreme Court’s mandate for the direct funding of local councils is a positive step, yet the governors’ continued dominance of local governments could unravel this. Even then, the Federal Government has been transparently disbursing statutory allocations to states without interference. Why can’t state governments reciprocate by ensuring that local governments receive their fair shares of internally generated revenues (IGRs) without encroaching on their legitimate allocations?
These actions of the governors threaten to undermine the legitimacy of future elections, including the gubernatorial and presidential contests. It would not be surprising if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu faces pressure to replicate this manipulative election strategy in the 2027 general elections. The logic is simple: if governors can manipulate elections to their advantage with relative ease, why shouldn’t the president do the same at the national level?
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Sadly, disobedience of court orders and control of local judges are rampant at the state level, which render adjudication predictable. For instance, some state-controlled High Courts, which handle local matters — including chieftaincy titles — function as extensions of governors, and thereby lack genuine impartiality and integrity.
The stronghold of governors on local governance is unmistakable, and it surpasses the President’s influence over state administrations. Governors continue to wield significant control despite judicial efforts to safeguard local autonomy.
Meanwhile, under President Bola Tinubu’s federal administration, the Supreme Court has acted as an independent arbiter, often favouring opposition parties. Following the last general elections and rulings of tribunals, the apex court upheld the victories of opposition candidates, including Governor Abba Yusuf of the New Nigerian Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano, Governor Caleb Mutfwang of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Plateau, and Governor Alex Otti of the Labour Party (LP) in Abia, among others.
While the Supreme Court’s mandate for the direct funding of local councils is a positive step, yet the governors’ continued dominance of local governments could unravel this. Even then, the Federal Government has been transparently disbursing statutory allocations to states without interference. Why can’t state governments reciprocate by ensuring that local governments receive their fair shares of internally generated revenues (IGRs) without encroaching on their legitimate allocations?
For Nigeria’s democracy to thrive, we must hold local elections to a higher standard. The debate over federalism versus centralisation will undoubtedly arise. Despite its flaws, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) still performs better than SIECs, whose inefficiency and bias are becoming more apparent. However, a balance between federal and state powers is essential. If reforming SIECs proves unfeasible, INEC oversight may be necessary to safeguard democratic governance at the local level.
The conduct of governors may have set a worrying precedent and questioned their commitment to fiscal federalism and the principles of local governance.
I strongly urge the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi, and the Finance Minister, Mr Wale Edun, to take decisive action to protect the administrative and financial rights of local governments. They must implement mechanisms to ensure local councils have political autonomy and receive their financial entitlements without the risk of misappropriation by state authorities.
Local governments must be granted full political and economic autonomy to function effectively as the grassroots arm of governance. The future of our democracy hinges on the equitable treatment of all tiers of government, while ensuring that local councils can genuinely serve their communities with the resources they rightfully deserve.
For Nigeria’s democracy to thrive, we must hold local elections to a higher standard. The debate over federalism versus centralisation will undoubtedly arise. Despite its flaws, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) still performs better than SIECs, whose inefficiency and bias are becoming more apparent. However, a balance between federal and state powers is essential. If reforming SIECs proves unfeasible, INEC oversight may be necessary to safeguard democratic governance at the local level.
If citizens remain silent on the deeply flawed local elections recently conducted by state governments, then they should equally accept potentially compromised gubernatorial and presidential elections that the federal government could oversee in the future. After all, what’s good for the goose is good for the gander.
Yushau A. Shuaib, publisher of PRNigeria and Economic Confidential. Email: yashuaib@yashuaib.com
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