State elections: The Plateau and Rivers flavours, By Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf

Local Government Area (LGA) elections took place in Rivers and Plateau States on 5 and 9 October respectively. They were for chairmanship and councillorship positions. Plateau State in the Middle Belt and Rivers State in the South-South are largely peopled by Christians and  minority nationalities.

Rivers State has 6,866 polling units and 319 political wards across the 23 LGAs, while Plateau State has 4,989 polling units, 355 political wards in 17 LGAs. The former had 75 candidates contesting for the 17 chairpersonship positions, with 788 candidates for councillorship.

Both governments declared two-day holidays to enable residents travel to their respective communities for the local elections.

In Plateau State, measures were taken to ensure the elections were peaceful. The Plateau Peace Building Agency (PPBA), in collaboration with the Plateau State Independent Electoral Commission (PLSIEC), organised a peace forum to advocate for  peaceful  elections. The eleven participating political parties signed an Election Peace Pact, which reaffirmed their commitment to a peaceful electoral process, and adherence to democratic principles.

In Rivers State, conflicting judicial pronouncements made the atmosphere tense. While some political actors secured a State High Court order directing the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to release the voters’ register to the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) for the conduct of the elections, a Federal High Court (FHC) in Abuja, on other hand, ordered INEC not to release the register until it is updated, and that the security agencies should not provide security during the polls.

While INEC and the police complied with the Federal High Court order, the RSIEC complied with the State High Court order and went ahead with the  elections. Street protests  for and against the conduct of the elections, further heightened tension. In addition, explosions rocked some LGAs with their Secretariats, buildings and vehicles set ablaze.

Tension was so high that  former President Goodluck Jonathan, had to warn: “The political situation in Rivers State, mirrors our past, the crisis of the Old Western Western Region… Rivers should not be used as crystals that will form the block that will collapse our democracy.”

In Plateau State, the security services provided  security  for the elections. The main opposition party, the All Progressive Congress (APC) complained of the late take-off of elections and inadequate supply of election materials, especially ballot papers and result sheets.

The party added that in some areas, sensitive materials were brought, but never utilised, and that some returning officers absconded, while in other areas the returning officers were smuggled to VIP lounges to perpetrate malpractices. The APC added that PLASIEC is: “a total disappointment and a disaster as far as the local government is concerned. The assurances of transparency, credibility … turned out to be a smoke screen for deceit and malpractices.” In summary, that  the elections were rigged.

In Rivers State, voters turn-out was reportedly low, while the two main political parties, APC and PDP  boycotted the elections. So, a virtually unknown party, the Action Peoples Party (APP), obviously supported by State Governor Siminalaye Fubara, won 22 chairmanship positions, while the remaining  one seat, went to  the Action Alliance. Also, the APP won 314 councillorship positions while the AC secured one seat. There were also post-elections protests and violence in the state.

In Plateau State, the ruling party, PDP won the 17 chairmanship positions. Similarly, there were post-election violence including in Dengi, where forty motorcycles belonging to PDP were set ablaze.

Both states swore-in the elected officials immediately after the elections.

The political atmosphere in Plateau State was not quite toxic  due to  five  major reasons. First, PLASIEC embarked on intensive pre-election consultations and sensitisation with all the political parties, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and community based organisations (CBOs). It assured participants and stakeholders that the elections would be conducted freely, fairly, credibly, transparently and democratically. It sought and got the cooperation and support of various stakeholders. Sensitisation programmes were also conducted in areas highly prone to violence, like Jos North LGA,  where hardly conducted due to elections violence.

Secondly, PPBA organised activities attended by political parties, NGOs and CBOs  which emphasized the necessity for peaceful campaigns and elections. The signing of Election Peace Accord by the parties further committed the parties towards maintaining peace.

Thirdly, unlike Rivers State where the Governor was actively involved in ensuring that the elections took place,  the opposite was the case in Plateau State. Here, the Governor, Caleb Mutfwang, was not directly seen or  involved in the preparations for  the elections. At best, top government officials represented him at the PLASIEC and PPBA activities.

Fourthly, unlike in Rivers State, where the hands of the Federal Government were visible, the situation was different in Plateau State.

In Rivers State, on the other hand, the orders of the Abuja High Court ruling that INEC should not provide the voters register to RSIEC and security before and during the conduct of the elections, amongst others, was widely seen and interpreted as Federal Government interference and involvement in the state electoral affairs.

Fifth, the election in Rivers State was one  in which two major forces tried to assert their dominance in the state politics. On the one hand, was the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike; and, on the other hand, Governor Fubara. The former had anointed the latter as his successor, and played a major role in ensuring Fubara won the governorship elections in 2023.

But as governor, Fubara refused to be dictated to by Wike. All attempts by various forces within and outside the state, including the Presidency, to settle the feud, failed. Thus, the local government election in the state was one  in which Fabura and Wike wanted to assert their authority, power and supremacy in the state politics.

The elections in both states raised important questions. One of them is why did the governors rush to immediately swear-in the winners of the elections? Could it be due to fears that the results of the elections would be legally  challenged?

A second question is why are the ruling parties or those backed by governors, winning 90 – 100 per cent of the votes? Can this be due to the fact that the elections are conducted by state governments? If yes, then, how free, fair, transparent, credible and democratic elections are such elections? If the elections are democratic, why then are such margins not returned in other elections conducted by the INEC?

The answers to these questions, lead to another question: why autonomy of local governments, if states have such grip on LGAs elections?  Then, the big question arises, is Nigeria truly a democracy or a mere civilian dictatorship?

Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf worked as deputy director, Cabinet Affairs Office, The Presidency, and retired as General Manager (Administration), Nigerian Meteorological Agency, (NiMet). Email: aaramatuyusuf@yahoo.com