The centrality of Lagos in Nigeria’s independence struggles, By Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf

The Nigerian political class celebrated the nation’s sixty-fourth Independence Day on Tuesday, 1 October. But the vast majority of Nigerians merely commemorated the day. This is because while the majority of Nigerians tilled and watered the tree of independence, only a tiny minority has been enjoying its fruits.

Lagos, Africa’s fourth largest economy and Nigeria’s economic powerhouse, deservedly benefitted immensely from the independence struggles.

It was the first city to be colonised. That was in 1861. This was followed by the colonisation of the Protectorates of Southern and Northern Nigeria between 1895 and 1907. On 1 January, 1914, the Colony of Lagos and the Protectorates of Northern and Southern Nigeria were amalgamated. Lagos became the capital of the new country. So, colonial apparatuses and infrastructures began in Lagos and, before subsequently spreading to other parts of Nigeria.

But even prior to colonisation, Lagos was a cosmopolitan, friendly, and trading town, with Europeanised Africans, a restless populace, and radical civil society groups. These forces subsequently questioned, insulted, and demanded economic and political rights from the colonial forces, long before 1914.

The first newspaper in Nigeria, Iwe Irohin was published in Abeokuta. But Lagos provided the country with the newspapers, which challenged British colonialism, ventilated popular grievances and demanded for independence. The popularity of newspapers were, in fact, determined by the extent they exposed colonial exploitation, oppression and injustices and, how pungently they criticised European imperialism in general. They were also measured by how they challenged the colonial forces, defended African rights, promoted African nationalism and demanded fair-play, liberty, and justice for Africans.

The Lagos based Observer was one of such newspapers. In its 4 December, 1886 edition, it demanded a legislature composed of men of “unofficialism”, who would fearlessly criticize colonial: “acts of misrule, abuse of power, official terrorism, and nameless annoyances… In the name of the whole of Lagos community, we ask … how long we will tamely submit to taxation without representation? There should arise from Lagos one general cry for political freedom loud enough to reach the ears of Downing Street, if not louder still, to penetrate the Houses of Parliament.”

Not surprising, Lord Lugard, the first Governor General of Nigeria, ranted bitterly that Lagosians: “are seditious and rotten to the core. They are masters of intrigue and have been plotting against the Government ceaselessly… But after 29 years as Governor here, I am free to say that the people of Lagos are the lowest, most seditious and disloyal, the most prompted by purely self-seeking motives of any people I have ever met.”

To Lugard’s vituperations, the Lagos Weekly Record of 16-22 February, 1919, editorialised that his administration had committed: “more massacres, more riots than any administration… Lugard departs unwept, unhonoured, and unsung.”

But Lagos produced in the 1930s and 1940s far more radical newspapers, of which the West African Pilot (WAP) and Daily Comet (DC) were the most notable. Both newspapers vilified European imperialism, raised problems confronting Nigerians and blamed colonialism for destroying the pre-colonial order without replacing it with a developed social order. They equally championed the cause of the working people and acted as watchdog of African rights.

In his Nigeria: Background to Nationalism, James S Coleman wrote that as result of the Lagos press reports and their columns, European officers: “even in the remotest districts, were frequently harassed by urgent wires from central, regional, or provincial headquarters, requesting inquiries into allegations of “brutal and inhuman” treatment, discrimination, or denial of rights”. Thus, the Lagos’ press did not only politically conscientize Lagosians but Nigerians in general.

Political parties first emerged in Lagos. The first was the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) established in 1923 and led by Herbert Macaulay. The second was the Lagos Youth Movement, formed in 1934, and led by the outstanding journalist, Ernest Ikoli. In 1936, it changed its name to the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) to reflect a Nigerian outlook. Others were the Nigerian Reconstruction Group, and the Nigerian Youth Circle.

Though, largely “Lagos parties”, they criticised amongst other things, racism, the humiliation of the traditional institution, forced labour, oppressive taxation and educational backwardness. They demanded that the human, civil and democratic rights of Nigerians must be respected, the economy be de-monopolised and liberalised; and the society be modernised and developed.

The creation of apex labour organisations to coordinate the struggles of workers began in Lagos 1943. The Railway Workers Union embarked on strikes and waged street protest-demonstrations against racism and for increased wages and better work conditions. Such union struggles created political consciousness, and ignited popular struggles against colonialism.

The Nigerian Union of Students (NUS) the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) and the NNDP teamed up on 29 August, 1944 to found the National Council of Nigerian and Cameroons (NCNC), with Macaulay as its leader.

The NCNC whose membership cut across ethnic, cultural, labour, women, youth, artisans, trader organisations, greatly advanced the struggle for democracy and independence.

The Zikist Movement was also formed in Lagos. It first emerged as an unregistered students’ organisation at the Yaba College in 1945. It was launched as a national organisation at the Tinubu Methodist High School, Lagos on 16 February, 1946, with representatives from all over the country and even from Ghana. Its membership was drawn from various groups including teachers, artisans, youths and labour leaders.

The Zikist Movement was affiliated to the NCNC. Its demands included the immediate liquidation of colonialism in West Africa, the nationalisation of basic industries, respect of fundamental human rights, the maximisation of social services, employment opportunities for all, development and a direct onslaught against imperialism, etc.

The 1945 General Strike which was conceived, organised and coordinated from Lagos, was perhaps the most historic gift Lagos gave to Nigerians; it created the consciousness in them that they belong to one country. Also, the strike made the colonial forces to realise that the colonised, when organised, could defy the government, control strategic towns, and get concessions. It shook the foundation of the colonial economy, exposed its vulnerability, and demystified colonialism in the country.

For the nationalist politicians, the 1945 strike, as Coleman observed, provided: “the opportunity they eagerly sought – mobilisation of workers in support for the struggle for political advancement.” Additionally, the strike galvanised the hitherto politically passive and conservative elites in the North into the struggle for independence.

The 1945 General Strike transformed the narrow nationalist demands of the elites into a mass-based agitation for national emancipation. It liberalised and popularised the independence struggle. But while it signaled the beginning of the collapse of colonialism, it equally marked the British construction of neocolonialism.

If Nigerians, irrespective of class, sex, state of origin, ethnicity, and religion, had benefited from the attainment of independence, all would most likely have celebrated the Independence Day on 1 October.

Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf worked as deputy director, Cabinet Affairs Office, The Presidency, and retired as General Manager (Administration), Nigerian Meteorological Agency, (NiMet). Email: aaramatuyusuf@yahoo.com