The DNA of the ‘EndBadGovernance’ protest, By Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf

The #EndBadGovernance nation-wide mass protests swept through the country from 1 August, for ten days. But, it was not the first popular revolt against neoliberalism, and certainly, will not be the last. It will continue as long as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) continue imposing its anti-people doctrines on the populace.

The 1980s witnessed popular protests against the racist and enslaving structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) of the twin institutions and its implementation by the local military and political ruling elites.

In 1986 the General Ibrahim Babangida-led military regime imposed SAP on the populace. This was despite its rejection by Nigerians in a national debate supervised by the regime. They equally expressed readiness to sacrifice to revamp the economy, as long as the IMF and WB were not involved.

The junta banned the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) in 1986. NANS rejected this and unbanned itself. In March 1988, the regime dissolved the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC). It illegally kidnapped and deported non-Nigerian academics like Catharine Adelugba, Patrick Wilmot, and Patrick Heineken, amongst others, on grounds that they were “teaching what they are not paid to teach.” All these were to pave way for the easy implementation of SAP.

But the military actions infuriated students and fired their determination to organise and lead popular struggles against the IMF, WB, and the Babangida junta. The first anti-SAP nationwide protests NANS organised against neoliberalism, was from 13-16 April, 1988 against the two Naira, five Kobo (N2:5K) increase in petrol pump price.

NANS argued that the increase would worsened the living conditions of vulnerable peoples; threaten students’ academic carrier; further concentrate power in the hands of the ruling classes; and subject Nigeria to the dictates of Western powers.

The protests crept in, sending shockwaves through the entire security forces as they never anticipated it. It signified the beginning of the mass street protests against SAP and neoliberalism. Labour leaders and activists capitalised on the protest to organised wide-cat strikes all over the country.

The protest contributed significantly in the release of detained labour leaders and activists; hastened the de-proscription of NLC; and the adoption of many “SAP relief” measures. NANS rejected these measures, insisting that SAP must be terminated and government should have nothing to do with IMF and WB. It shattered government propaganda on the supposed “gains of SAP”.

Yet, government, as Adebayo Olukoshi and Isah Aremu rightly noted: “did not understand the full extent of the determination of Nigerians to resist the implementation of IMF/World Bank adjustment policies”. Which was why in1989, NANS organised another national uprising against SAP.

The protest ignited the determination of Nigerians to continue struggling against the IMF, WB, and the military regime. Protesting University of Benin students, for instance, sang Peter Tosh’s “Down pressor man, where you gonna run to on that day…” and “Everyone is crying for peace; But none is crying out for justice; I don’t want no peace; I need equal rights and justice.” Others sang Fela’s song: “uniform nah cloth nah tailor dey sew am.”

NLC did not sympathise, solidarise or support this student-led uprising. Nevertheless, the protests demystified the military.

The African Concord of July 17, 1989 reported: “Right, left and centre, the military as an institution is coming under increasing attacks. Its leadership is suspected of not being broad, and its integrity and honesty are being openly questioned. Soldiers in the rank and file are being accused openly of constituting a privileged class, living a life immune from the suffering of their civilian brethren…”

The magazine continued: “But there is no denying the groundswell of cynicism and distrust civilians now harbour against the military and their mounting readiness to defy military authorities, and confront soldiers eye-ball to eye-ball. It appears the military uniform that used to make civilians hold soldiers in awe has lost its mystique. Civilians don’t anymore run scared when they see soldiers or even their emissaries.”

Further, from 29 March to 2 April, 1990 students of Ahmadu Bello and Obafemi Awolowo universities embarked on protest-demonstrations against the WB loan for Nigerian universities. Their protests were considered as a dress-rehearsal of a national protest billed to take place from April 28, 1990.

Rightly considered as “Greek gift”, “varsities killer loan”, and “loan of death”, the conditionalities for the loan included: increase in tuition fees; commercialisation of facilities; securitisation of all curricula by the WB; elimination of remedial courses, and some undergraduate and post-graduate programmes; and mandatory importation of expatriate staff whose salaries are to be heavily topped, amongst others.

The national protest was, however, suspended by NANS, due to the 22 April, 1990 aborted coup, led by Major Gideon Orkar. NANS neither supported the coup plotters nor the regime. It explained: “our problems are largely socio-economic in nature and that only a thorough transformation of this under a democratic order can resolve these problems, rather than any campaign of hatred based on ethno-religious passions.”

The then NANS’ President, Mahmud Abdul Aminu, also said that: “the coup threatened the very existence of Nigeria as a country, the very survival of the NANS as a body of all Nigerian students, the unity and solidarity of Nigerian students, and the struggle of the working and other oppressed peoples” of Nigeria.

NANS equally reminded Nigerian students and people that: “Successive military regimes in Nigeria have proved to be more guilty of the general malaise of power – drunken autocracy, violation of human rights, kleptomaniac corruption and unpatriotic capitulation to imperialism.”

Popular protests against IMF and WB policies will definitely continue in other forms, under different names, and perhaps led by different actors. So the forces committed to emancipatory politics should be prepared for more.

There is no easy road to combating IMF and WB neoliberalism in countries like ours, which is humanly and naturally endured. The fact that our ruling classes are highly unpatriotic, parasitic, dependent, intellectually lazy but bloody, destructive and fascist-like, would make the struggles extremely difficult and bloody.

But military coup is not an option, just as the current ruling classes are not the solution. Popular struggle for democracy and development is the best option against the IMF, WB and the Nigerian allies. The struggle will not be easy but it is winnable, with better organisation, mobilisation of the vulnerable, clarity of purpose, and regularity of popular protests. There is no easy road to democracy and development.

‘Deregulated’ struggles are more important than no struggle at all. But the solution is for popular forces to organise nationally, with a common agenda, and build global alliance with forces fighting similar struggles like ours.

But just as GOD ALMIGHTY does not charge a people with more than they can bear, so also does HE not change the conditions of a people until they change those conditions within themselves. Conscientisation of Nigerians generally against IMF and WB and their Nigerian puppets must, therefore, be taken seriously, if progress is to be made.

Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf worked as deputy director, Cabinet Affairs Office, The Presidency, and retired as General Manager (Administration), Nigerian Meteorological Agency, (NiMet). Email: aaramatuyusuf@yahoo.com