Developments in Kenya: Lessons for Nigeria, By Babafemi A. Badejo

Introduction

In recent years, Kenya has emerged as a focal point for global attention, not only for its economic potential but also for the dynamic interplay between its government policies and public sentiment. The saga surrounding the Finance Bill 2024 serves as a vivid example of how fiscal decisions can ignite widespread civic unrest and reshape national discourse. Introduced as a measure to address Kenya’s burgeoning debt and fiscal deficits, the bill proposed significant tax hikes on essential goods and services, triggering vehement opposition from citizens already grappling with economic hardships.

The ensuing protests, marked by widespread mobilisation facilitated by both traditional and digital platforms, showcased the power of collective action in holding governments accountable. Kenyan youths, disillusioned by what they perceived as a disregard for their socio-economic welfare, took to the streets in unprecedented numbers. Their demands for equitable taxation policies and transparent governance resonated across the nation, culminating in the government’s decision to withdraw the controversial bill.

This episode not only underscored the significance of public engagement in shaping policy outcomes but also highlighted broader systemic challenges facing African nations. Issues of corruption, economic inequality, and governance deficits continue to undermine development efforts across the continent, often exacerbating social tensions and eroding public trust in institutions. Kenya’s experience thus offers pertinent lessons for other African countries navigating similar fiscal landscapes, emphasizing the importance of inclusive governance, transparent policymaking, and responsive leadership.

As Nigeria and other African nations confront their own economic and governance challenges, the lessons from Kenya’s Finance Bill 2024 saga are timely and instructive. They underscore the imperative of balancing revenue generation with socio-economic equity, fostering transparent dialogue between governments and citizens, and ensuring that fiscal policies promote inclusive growth and sustainable development. By learning from Kenya’s experience, African nations can forge a path toward resilient economies and inclusive societies, where fiscal decisions align with the aspirations and well-being of all citizens.

The Situational Quadruple Nexus (SQN) Framework can be used to understand the threats to National Security and Public Order in Kenya

A holistic understanding of national security, economic development, hence the domain of economic and development policy formulation must capture the full spectrum of human security, and the nexus between human security and development. The question of economic development and public order in Kenya, cannot be addressed outside the realities of the prevailing governance. Governance in this respect focuses on leadership deficit and unconscionable corruption in the main.

To better appreciate the issues affecting economic development, public order and national security in Kenya, and how to address them, the SQN Analysis or Framework, that looks at the inter-linkages between the critical pillars of Peace/Security, Human rights, humanitarianism, and Development, as operating under the overarching foundations of governance/leadership, institutions, resources and external dynamics, is very key^[1].  These four critical pillars are hinged on the foundations of governance (leadership plus corruption), the crucial role of external dynamics, institutions, as well as human/material resources.

The realization of utmost freedom, which is the freedom from fear and poverty and the realization of basic human needs, and widespread improved quality of life[2], cannot be achieved by the “Tax them to Death” approach that many African leaders led by external pressures from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), are doing. At least we can clearly see this in the ongoing experience of President Ruto with Kenyans.

The place of governance in this framework, points us to issues of leadership deficit and corruption. Leadership deficit addresses the paucity of visionary leaders at many of societal points for organizing efficient coordination of interests in a polity. The inability to curb the problem of corruption is symptomatic of the failure of visionary leadership with appropriate measures for the solution of this major governance problem. Tackling corruption is to solve the problem of rule of law. Corruption has an inverse relationship with the rule of law. Corruption within government institutions and inefficiencies in the criminal justice system undermine efforts in governance including the formation of development policies. African bad leaders see their personal interests as identical to those of the strong world leaders bent on having Africa, (in spite of its resources), at the bottom of global affairs. Having stolen so much money kept in secret safe havens and with such secrets in the hands of the intelligence networks of powerful countries, they are unable to stand up for Africa.

External dynamics speaks to the totality of influences — positive and negative — that affect policy choices, especially from the point of the relationships between Kenya and other international interests that could potentially be beneficial and/or destructive.

Institutions are very critical in holding the fabric of any state. Institutions handle the aggregation and articulation of interests in society. Institutions go beyond pressure groups and parties in the political arena and include others like civil society organisations (CSOs), religious/faith-based entities, traditional and primordial institutions, the media, etc.

Good governance is not enough to sustain political institutions, and this explains the need to continue to crave for credible political institutions. Undoubtedly, experiences across the globe have shown that strong political institutions help in recruiting and shaping leadership.

Resources are always crucial. Availability of human and material resources is important for any effort aimed at promoting national security and public order. Good governance can bring some progress, but success is easier if the human and material resources are available for the necessary leadership efforts to have a coherent and coordinated quadruple nexus response. It is abundantly clear that the push on quadruple nexus will not succeed without factoring in and ameliorating the situational foundation on which the quadruple nexus rests.

Framework of the SQN

Source: Badejo, B. (2022, December 22). Approach to Sustainable Development: Understanding the Quadruple Nexus. Retrieved from Kujenga Amani: https://kujenga-amani.ssrc.org/2022/12/22/an-approach-to-sustainable-development-understanding-the-quadruple-nexus/

Some Backdrop of History on Protests in Kenya

Since June 18, 2024, Kenyans, majorly the youths, Gen-Zs inclusive embarked on mass protests in all major cities in Kenya. Rallies were held in: Kisumu, Nyeri, Nakuru, Eldoret, (Ruto’s home base), Kilifi, Mombasa. The protesting youths occupied the hallowed grounds of the Kenyan Parliament and drove Parliamentarians into the bushes as the youths enjoyed the sumptuous meals prepared for the Parliamentarians. Public order was practically suspended as Kenyans in their numbers held down the country. This continued until weeks later, specifically after the July 5, 2024 Presidential Statement that took on board some of the demands of the protesters.

Mass protests are generally not new to Kenya. The pre-independence period and after the Second World War witnessed a number of movements seeking an end to British colonization especially with its effect on land. Popular in this respect was the Mau Mau revolt which arguably midwifed the Republic of Kenya.[3]

To grasp the causative dimension of the protests that shook Kenya to its very roots in the middle of year 2024, it is critical to understand the import of leadership deficit and corruption in the inability to realise good governance in Kenya, nay, much of Africa.[4] Public governance is a key factor that influences the development path of countries the world all over. Historically, the negative impact of corruption on governance is so profound.  Expectedly, most conversations around governance, especially good governance, are almost always inextricably linked to the fight against corruption. Thus, the term “good governance” is often intertwined with the anti-corruption agenda, and “bad governance” is commonly associated with corruption^[5]

Tackling corruption is to address another important factor: the enthronement of the rule of law which itself is inversely related to corruption. The more of one, the less of the other.[6]

Strident struggles for change did not end in Kenya after independence. Kenyans have a history of civil unrest, driven by political, social, and economic factors. It is appearing there is a pattern of watering the soil of democracy with the blood of the people of Kenya. Badejo, (2006), provides a good account on the heroes of the movements for what is normally termed as Kenya’s Second Liberation or multi-party change, including the coup attempt of 1982 and its aftermath till the reinstitution of multi-party politics in the early 1990s[7].

Election outcomes tend to be accompanied by the expressions of voter dissatisfaction, subsequent to the announcement of election results. The unparalleled example of this was the general elections of 2007. The then incumbent President Mwai Kibaki was sworn into office in the middle of the night in order to present a fait accompli as the opposition, led by Raila Odinga claimed the Orange Democratic Movement, had been cheated of its victory at the polls.[8]

Widespread violence erupted, resulting in over 1,200 deaths and the displacement of around 600,000 people. Ethnic tensions, particularly between the Kikuyu (supporters of Kibaki), including Uhuru Kenyatta, the Luo (supporters of Odinga), and the Kalenjin (supporters of former President Moi whose mantle had started falling on Young Turk William Ruto), were exacerbated. A power-sharing agreement was brokered in February 2008 by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, leading to the formation of a coalition government with Kibaki as president and Odinga as prime minister.[9] William Ruto became the Minister of Agriculture, an office in which he was popularly accused of corruption over the sales of maize. He was suspended by Raila Odinga, but immediately reinstated by Kibaki. Subsequent to that, he was again suspended as per the constitution as three constitutional court judges concluded he must stand trial on the allegation that he defrauded a state corporation of $1.2m over the sale of forest land[10]. Ruto won the cases but the developments marked the beginning of the clear schism between Odinga and Ruto.

Uhuru Kenyatta, William Ruto, and others were subsequently indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) on account of having incited ethnic violence etc. They were tried and acquitted but not discharged as witnesses had either died or changed their stories leading Ms. Fatou Bensouda, the Prosecutor at the ICC to agree to not proceeding with the cases.[11]

The 2017 presidential election saw incumbent President Uhuru Kenyatta declared the winner over Raila Odinga. Odinga’s supporters claimed the election was rigged. Protests and violence erupted, particularly in opposition strongholds. The Supreme Court annulled the election results, citing irregularities, and ordered a re-run. Kenyatta, with Ruto as his Deputy, won the re-run in October 2017, which poll Odinga boycotted, stating that the necessary changes required from the Supreme Court’s annulment had not been carried out. Further tensions continued. However, in March 2018, Kenyatta and Odinga publicly reconciled in an event known as the “Handshake.”

Kenya as a Democracy

Unlike many an African country, Kenya, beyond the 1982 coup attempt, has never had military rule. This reality make Kenyan leaders claim the status of being a democracy with the modifications of the inherited British parliamentary system overtime. The competitive party system yielded to a de facto one-party state under President Jomo Kenyatta, and subsequently a de jure one for about a decade under President Moi[12]. However, it is important to emphasise that elections and civil rule are not tantamount to a polity being democratic.[13]

In this respect, a democracy is a political space organized in such a way that the drive towards the realisation of utmost freedom is uppermost. A government of the people, by the people, and for the people is the hallmark of a democratic state. “This means those who are governing the people are coming out of the people, (in this instance ruling out external and oligarchic control in the production of leaders), by the people, (implying that the people themselves are able to express their respective desires by way of participation with elections being just an aspect), and for the people, having to do with policies being driven in the best interests of the majority of the people Performance by those in office in enriching the lives of the large majority of the people being the purpose of democracy”.[14] This conception of democracy while accepting the importance of elections for leadership recruitment avoids being fixated on this fraction of a third of what should be the focus in assessing democracy. As Badejo (2022) argues:

The conception of democracy herein, is superior to the current fixations on democracy as periodic elections irrespective of performance failures on accountabilities on many other freedoms that are crucial for the good life. The performance of elected office-holders on all crucial freedoms is very important. Whether elected leaders fail on other important freedoms beyond the freedom to vote should be of concern. Democracy could be a preferred structural arrangement for striving towards utmost freedom.[15]

Ruto’s Political Strategy to Office

The 2022 General Elections that saw William Ruto clinch victory was not without controversy, including allegations of external interference and technological manipulations. Kenya’s August 2022 elections recorded the lowest voter turnout in 15 years. While the 2017 general election recorded a voter turnout of 79.51 per cent, only 65.4 per cent of the 22.12 million registered voters cast their ballots. 39.84 per cent (8.8 million) of the total registered voters were youth, a decline of 5.17 per cent from the 2017 figures. This low voter turnout strongly indicated voter apathy, particularly among youth.[16]

The 2022 election, like others before, was vulnerable to the weaponisation of social media and the internet by the political class and their supporters. While the internet’s wide reach and the ubiquity of social media provided unparalleled opportunities to engage with and empower voters, they also facilitated the spread of dis- and misinformation, hate speech (specially targeted at female political aspirants), undermined trust in democratic institutions, and sowed societal distrust.

Prof. Maka Makau considered formal equality and abstract autonomy as the two tenets of democratic experiment. For him, it is important for institutions of governance to empower people to create substance. He was worried about the authoritarian tendencies of leadership in Africa. Makau’s analysis was not without sufficient reference to the 9 August, 2022, presidential elections in Kenya, which he adjudged to have been marred by electoral malpractices and rigging ultimately culminating in the theft of the people’s real mandate and choice. While calling on Nigeria to learn from the example of Kenya, he also reiterated the need to be very careful and weary of the interference of external interests and actors in the electoral process in Africa.[17]

Deputy President William Ruto’s victorious presidential campaign in Kenya’s 2022 elections saw him champion the plight of the ‘hustlers’, young informal economy workers on low, piecemeal incomes.[18] Reconfiguring political identities around notions of economic hardship and struggle, Ruto’s campaign appeared emblematic of what scholars have recently identified as a turn towards ‘populism’ in Africa, transmuting ethno-nationalist identities into class-based ones.[19] However, whilst Ruto’s campaign capitalized on rising prices to devastating political effect, he also channeled discontent with the Jubilee government and its unmet promises of shared prosperity. Drawing on ethnographic data collected in central Kenya’s Kiambu region since 2017. Thus, an explanation of Ruto’s victory is a combination of ‘hustler populism’ and an anti-Jubilee ‘backlash’. Ruto’s campaign took advantage of Uhuru Kenyatta’s personal unpopularity as voters increasingly questioned the nature of ‘dynastic’ authority and ‘state capture’, seeking to punish Uhuru personally for his failures to create prosperity in the region whilst enriching himself at their expense.[20]

Violent protests were minimal with respect to the 2022 elections. Though a lot of trust was lost by about a half of the population, the Azimio opposition led by Raila Odinga had no other choice than to accept the Supreme Court of Kenya’s unanimous decision that declared William Ruto as the winner of the presidential election.[21] The opposition, nonetheless, continued to hold rallies of displeasure with government policies and actions until Ruto succeeded in sending Raila Odinga on leave from politics in Kenya by backing him for the chairmanship of the African Union contest. Contests for such posts, definitely require the necessary heavy state support from the government of each candidate.

Ruto in the Presidential Seat

Ruto earned for himself the campaign reputation of moniker ‘hustler’ for leading a narrative of a bottom-up economic model which he went to great lengths to explain, was about putting more cash into the pockets of the poor. But barely two months after he was sworn in, Ruto seems to be doing the exact opposite of what he pledged, emptying the already shallow pockets of poor Kenyans.[22]

As soon as he got into office Ruto embarked on external ventures aimed at positioning himself as the premier African leader. Within the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), Ruto positioned himself as the one in position to resolve the war in Sudan. But the reality Kenyans are dealing with, is that most of the welcoming policies of President Ruto, turns out to be more hurtful to the people.

Ruto’s State Visit to the US

President William Ruto arrived in Washington, DC, United States of America, on May 23,^, 2024, on a state visit on the invitation of President Joe Biden who had only hosted five state visits prior to that of Ruto during his four year stay in the White House. A state visit is a big deal in American diplomacy. It depicts warm relations and another way of seeking the fulfilment of American goals when force is not being used. Earlier at a mega crusade by American televangelist Benny Hinn in Nairobi on February 24-25, 2024, Ruto had boasted about his special invitation to the White House by an African leader in 16 years.[23]

Kenya has clearly emerged as America’s leading strategic partner – if not in Africa as a whole, then at least in sub-Saharan Africa. At a time when Africa and other parts of the world are polarising, with Russia-leaning juntas evicting Western militaries from Sahel states and South Africa and others tilting towards Russia and China, Kenya is becoming increasingly significant.

In geopolitical terms, the most important outcome of the visit was that Biden designated Kenya as a ‘Major Non-NATO Ally’ – the only one in sub-Saharan Africa. This status doesn’t include the mutual defence obligations of NATO membership but provides countries with preferential access to US military training, surplus equipment, joint research, etc. The designation confirmed Kenya as one of the US’ most important strategic military partners.

For Ruto, the US visit was also critical, probably more economically than geopolitically. Kenya is struggling with debt and balance of payments problems, and needs US help with debt relief.

Ruto’s Washington excursion was not unanimously popular back home, perhaps not surprisingly, since he’s ‘a politically divisive figure in Kenya,’ as one anonymous observer says. His supporters are delighted at the prestige his visit brought Kenya, and the promise of greater US investment and debt relief. His critics argue that he’s overpromising again, and ‘while preaching about austerity, he hired an expensive private jet from Dubai to take him to the US,’ this observer says.[24]

According to Institute for Security Studies Senior Researcher in Nairobi, Willis Okumu, ‘The visit could be seen as a win for Ruto, but is it for Kenyans? Okumu suggests the likelihood that Ruto is being used to spearhead a neo-colonialist agenda, given the recent changes in Africa where heads of state including Museveni have rebuffed Western-backed policies. Expatiating further, Okumu argued that: ‘Ruto is desperate for the Western embrace, for political and economic reasons, while America, is after geopolitical influence given the economic inroads of to China on the continent as well as Russian geopolitical build up in Africa.

Where does this leave the people of Kenya in the equation? It is important to point out that foreign relations are not necessarily a zero-sum game. But, as Okumu cautions, the evolving relationship should be closely monitored to clearly distinguish between Ruto’s and Kenya’s interests.[25]

African Leaders need to be truly committed to managing the realities of external dynamics beyond mere rhetoric

President Ruto, even before his Washington, DC, state visit had been strongly rallying other African leaders on measures that could benefit people. He has had a number of appearances that could be considered as anti-Bretton Woods Institutions, impacts on the lives of Africans.

In fact, the Kenyan President William Ruto matched his position with a deliberate, observed wardrobe change at some point. He adopted the late Kaunda suit, which was in vogue in the 1960s and 70s. His admirers loved it.

By adopting this colonial vintage Safari suit as an ideological statement, Dr. Ruto was sending a message: He wanted to appear different on the local and global stage. This period saw some Pan-Africa, fire-brand radicalism — on the global stage, to the surprise of those who associated him with conservative politics.

He wants the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank reformed, and, in their place, there should be a body that treats all nations as equals. This position runs counter to the Primus Inter-Pares status of the United States of America (USA) in these organisations wherein the country in practical terms has a veto power. William Ruto has also been lobbying for the expansion of the UN Security Council with two Permanent Seats with Veto Powers to the African continent – a position of African Governments known as the Ezulwini Consensus[26].  Many have also expressed their interest in seeing Ruto lead African trade and payment systems, with Kenya indicating interests in scrapping visa fees for African traders.

He has been mimicking the likes of Kwame Nkrumah, Nyerere, Thomas Sankara, Muammar Gaddafi, and Robert Mugabe, whose fiery speeches on the global stage earned them mileage and criticism from some capitalist quarters.

But how can Ruto be an Nyerere or a Nkrumah when his top ranks stink to the high heavens with corruption case after another?” asks former MP Kabando wa Kabando. Kabando touched on the issue of corruption, a very big challenge that somehow we undermine in Africa as our leaders in pretense ignore the weight of corruption perpetuated by themselves and their class on their respective economies.

In a similar manner, Senator Richard Onyonka, the former Kitutu Chache MP (2008 – 2022), provided a strident assessment of the tinder box that Kenya was sitting on when he lamented in a viral TikTok rendition, the stealing of state resources by political leaders. He noted how the Gen-Z have become so fed up, both online and offline, and are willing to make the ultimate sacrifice.  The Senator showed the nature of interconnection, and the nature of corruption across the arms of governments, calling on the leaders at the helm of affairs in the three arms of governments to uphold a higher standard.  The continued, ruthless, heartless stealing of state resources with such brazenness, recklessness he asserted was at a record high.[27]

The Finance Bill 2024

In what can be described as the last straw that broke the Camel’s back, the Finance Bill 2024, was the last harsh gift that triggered the mid-year Kenyan protests.  This was further accentuated by the heightened levels of distrust in government and the intentions behind whatever policies it rolls out.  The protests, this time around, were reactions to an unprecedented profligacy in governance accompanied by a government decision to raise taxes.

The subsequently withdrawn Finance Bill, 2024, offer significant insights into the complex interplay between economic policies, public sentiments, and governance. As Nigeria continues to navigate its own economic challenges and policy reforms, understanding the causes, dynamics, and implications of these protests in Kenya could provide valuable lessons for Nigeria and the rest of Africa.

In June 2024, the Kenyan government announced a new tax law proposed in the Finance Bill 2024. An outburst that started as a social media campaign grew into violent protests over weeks leading to fatalities, the destruction of government buildings and private properties. The protesters claimed that the tax hikes will harm the Kenyan economy and raise the cost of living for ordinary Kenyans, who already had trouble making ends meet.

The Bill included several controversial tax hikes, such as increased excise duties on financial transactions, internet services, and certain goods like alcohol and tobacco. Additionally, it introduced new taxes on vegetable oils and environmental levies on imported goods, sparking significant public outcry due to the anticipated rise in the cost of living.

The government had explained that the increases were crucial to service the country’s massive debt of some 10 trillion shillings ($78 billion), equal to roughly 70 per cent of Kenya’s GDP. The finance bill aimed to raise an additional $US2.7 billion in taxes as part of an effort to lighten the heavy debt load, with interest payments alone consuming 37 per cent of annual revenue.

It is interesting to note that as the tax burden was being increased for the people in general, President Ruto sought from parliament, a 17.3 per cent increase in the budget for his wife, also known as the unelected First Lady. A slight reduction in the budget of the office of the wife of the Deputy President was proposed and explained as arising from the higher increase to that office in a supplementary budget of October 2023.[28]

Some of the highlights of the Bill, included:

• 16 percent sales tax on bread and a 25 percent duty on cooking oil.
• Planned increase in the tax on financial transactions as well as a new annual tax on vehicle ownership amounting to 2.5 percent of the value of the vehicle.
• A charge on products dubbed the ‘eco levy’. The tax targets most manufactured goods, including sanitary towels and diapers that contribute to waste and harm the environment.
• The eco levy was also aimed at digital products, including mobile phones, cameras, and recording equipment. This was also met with stiff resistance as citizens pointed out their reliance on these products for their livelihoods.
• The finance bill introduced a 16 percent tax on goods and services for direct and exclusive use in the construction and equipping of specialised hospitals with a minimum bed capacity of 50.
• The bill also proposes an increase in import taxes from 2.5 per cent to 3 percent of the value of the item, to be paid by the importer. The rise comes just a year after the rate was reduced from 3.5 percent to 2.5 percent.

The justification of the Finance Bill 2024 by the government, brings to mind a story Kofi Annan once told, of a Hen and a Pig.[29] The Hen went to the Pig and suggested they help human beings to avoid famine, which would result in starvation and deaths. The pig was excited to help but asked how to help. The Hen suggested that it would contribute eggs while the Pig provided bacon. The Pig shook its and retorted: on this strategy, for me, it is total sacrifice, while for you, it’s partial sacrifice. This is a true reflection of what plays out when African leaders ask their nationals to pay a sacrifice for their crumbling economies.

The government in the usual approach popular amongst African leaders, paid less attention to the need for inclusivity, dialogue and public perception in its policy making processes.  This is added atop a major trust deficit that many Kenyans, in fact African people have developed towards their leaders.

Protests and Citizens Actions have always been part of human experience

All over the world, there are many examples of collective resistance. In the United States, the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s saw African Americans and allies engage in marches, sit-ins, and boycotts to fight against racial segregation and discrimination. In South Africa, a global movement of resistance, including protests, boycotts, and political pressure, helped bring an end to the system of racial segregation known as apartheid.

The #OccupyWallStreet movement began in 2011 as a protest against economic inequality, corporate influence, and the power of the financial sector, using tactics like occupying public spaces and organizing general assemblies. Similarly, #OccupyNigeria and #EndSARS demonstrated the power of collective resistance by the people against injustice and oppression.

In all these citizen actions, technology continues to play a significant role in facilitating collective resistance. Social media platforms, messaging apps, and other digital tools help organizers coordinate actions, spread information quickly, and connect with a broader audience. This has been evident in movements such as the Arab Spring, Black Lives Matter, and the global climate strikes.

The Ruto Climb Down

On 26 June 2004, the withdrawal of the Finance Bill, 2024, which rather than douse tension saw the crowd of youths shift focus to cries of “Ruto Must Go”. An estimated 41 youths had been killed but the high-handedness did not stop the surging crowds.

In a quick reaction, Kenyan President William Ruto, on Friday, 5 July, proposed spending cuts and reduced the level of additional borrowing as part of a rolled out set of austerity measures in furtherance of commitment to implement, and align government expenditures with the budgetary implications of the withdrawal of the Finance Bill, 2024, and the abrogated planned tax hikes in the face of nationwide protests. There was also the appointment of an independent taskforce to carry out a comprehensive forensic audit of Kenya’s public debt and report within three months.

Seeking a middle ground as he asserted, President Ruto promised to get the parliament to facilitate a budget cut of Ksh 177 billion ($1.39 billion) and borrow the deficit, which will result to an additional borrowing increase of the country’s fiscal deficit from 3.3 per cent to 4.6 per cent [30]

This will help the government in pushing progress in the following critical areas of government infrastructure;

1. Hiring of Junior Secondary School teachers and medical interns
2. Funding the milk stabilization program for dairy farmers

III.       Reviving our stalled roads programme

1. Retaining the fertilizer subsidy programme
2. Settling the debts owed to farmers in the coffee subsector
3. Capitalizing the Coffee Cherry Fund and

VII.     Enabling public sector-owned sugar mills to pay outstanding debts to sugarcane farmers for their deliveries.

VIII.    Additional funding for the higher education new funding model

1. Settling arrears owed to counties.
2. Settling arrears for the NG-CDF.
3. Settling arrears for pensions.

Amongst the austerity measures announced by the President that will definitely appeal to the needs and yearnings of the public are:

President Ruto used the realities of the situation to announce the dissolution of 47 state corporations some of which had been in place since the late President Moi’s era and currently of no use other than providing opportunities for loyalists. He also stated a 50 per cent reduction in the number of government advisers and the suspension of non-essential travel by public office bearers.

Curbing the personalised looting of government resources by unelected wives, Ruto removed the family gravy flow being enjoyed by himself, his Deputy and another, he declared the removal of budget lines for the spouses of the President, Deputy President, and Prime Cabinet Secretary.

Ruto expressed his determination to carry out these and other changes to improve the quality, efficiency, and transparency in serving the people of Kenya and ensure that citizens receive maximum value for their resources from a public sector that prioritises their welfare.

Ruto suggested that these changes will set Kenya on a trajectory towards economic take-off, enabling them to achieve the strategic objectives of the bottom-up economic transformation agenda and deliver the commitments to radically enhance opportunities for Kenyans and transform the country.

President Ruto, recognized how difficult the last two weeks had been for the entire country. Whilst fully expressing his sympathy and sadness over the lost lives and destruction caused by the protests, he noted how the entire development had forced the country to begin to move in the right direction of the right conversations needed to move the country forward.

I extend my deepest condolences to those who unfortunately lost their lives. One life lost is a life too many. To the mothers, fathers, siblings, relatives, and friends of those who died, my deepest sympathies and condolences. Equally, to the many others who are injured and recuperating, we wish them a quick recovery. The government of Kenya will support all those affected. [31]

Despite all this, as a nation, we are finally having the right conversation, not about our tribes, or personalities, or political formations, but rather issues that affect each and every one of us: issues such as taxation, debt, the budget, corruption, the cost of living, unemployment, and opportunities for our young people. [32]

President Ruto had a media chat with Kenyans hosted by Osama Otero, a popular social media influencer after Ruto’s own Space failed to launch properly.

Ruto started off by apologising and condoled with the families of Kenyans who lost their lives during the anti-Finance Bill, 2024, protests.

The President addressed various issues ranging from the Finance Bill, alleged abductions during protests and health matters. Some X users voiced their opinions and shot questions at the President which he promptly answered.

“My administration has always believed in listening and engaging and that is why I go around the country to engage people. I rarely sit in the office. I go to different places to engage with Kenyans,” he said.

“I have gone home with ‘I need to listen more, I need more empathy’. My administration needs more empathy and I have heard you say more action,” he said.

“I want to thank you very much for the feedback that I have got from you and for the engagement we have had this afternoon, it was a great moment of Kenyans engaging openly, robustly and in a no-hold-back engagement,” he said.

The President commended the X users saying he received rich feedback from the young generation.

“I want to thank you very much for the feedback that I have got from you and for the engagement we have had this afternoon, it was a great moment of Kenyans engaging openly, robustly and in a no-hold-back engagement,” he said. The President added that he looks forward to more engagements on X with Kenyans in the future and promised to take more time and engage with them. The President signed off by saying a prayer thanking God for the successful engagement. He prayed for empathy for those who were hurt and lost their loved ones during the protests. The President also asked God to grant Kenya unity, peace and prosperity.

Leadership Deficit in Nigeria

There is no gainsaying the fact that Nigeria faces leadership deficit. According to Chinua Achebe, “Nigeria’s problem is fairly and squarely failure of leadership”. Nigeria’s leadership failure continues to spiral down.

Nigeria’s leadership in ECOWAS and AU, continues to fail to reflect or make sense when compared with her domestic leadership deficit back home. Despite her place as one of the leading producers of oil in the world, Nigeria continues to exhibit the worst income disparities in the region, with only 1 per cent of the elites controlling 80 percent of accrued oil wealth, almost 70 per cent of which is held in foreign banks, while close to 80 percent of the population live below the UN designated poverty threshold of $1 per day^[33]

Visionary leadership is crucial on overall management of purposeful efforts towards utmost freedom. Leadership failure/deficit results in the opposite.[34]

These are governance (with major attention on leadership deficit and corruption), external dynamics (which is crucial for weak nations but normally wished away by “aid” workers), institutions and resources. It is impossible to engage on the realisation of improvements on the interconnectedness of the four pillars when there are fundamental problems with the situational foundation on which the pillars rest. Expectedly, these pillars will not implement themselves in a situation of deficits in governance and when the external dynamics is weighing down on the organized political society. Getting governance right could go some way in reducing the dangers at the level of external dynamics as well as ensure that the process of building institutions commence with available resources, however limited.[35]

The 2023 General Election in Nigeria marked a crucial milestone in the nation’s leadership recruitment exercise.[36] However, concerns about voter suppression and electoral integrity cast a shadow over the democratic process. Despite expectations for greater electoral integrity, instances of voter suppression persisted during the 2023 General Elections. Not so surprising the country experienced the highest numbers of post-election court cases since the return to democracy in 1999.[37] Hence, in quite a number of constituencies, Nigeria had “government of the people, by the Courts, for the people.

William Ruto and Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Leadership Tourists

In January 2024,, as President Tinubu made yet another trip to France, presumed for medical tourism, Nigeria’s opposition leader Atiku Abubakar wrote on his X social media space that Nigeria does not need a “tourist-in-chief”. He criticised the president’s private visit “while Nigeria is drowning in the ocean of insecurity”.[38]

This in some ways can be seen as a cheap shot, easily levelled by any critic. Presidents need to attend heads-of-state meetings and nurture foreign relations. This is important not only for diplomatic reasons, but also economic ones, as lucrative investment deals can be negotiated.

Mr Ruto and Mr Tinubu and their spokespeople defend their trips as being vital to help address the very problems they are accused of ignoring.

In the eight months since his inauguration, Mr Tinubu has made 14 trips – an average of just under two a month – but this is dwarfed by Mr Ruto, who has made about 50 journeys abroad since he became president in 2022 – averaging more than three a month.

Mr Tinubu is said to have spent at least 3.4bn naira ($2.2 million; £1.8 million) on domestic and foreign travel in the first six months of his presidency – 36 per cent more than the budgeted amount for 2023, the Nigerian newspaper Punch reported, citing GovSpend, a civic tech platform that tracks government spending.[39]

In Nigeria for instance about the time the “Subsidy is Gone” declaration was made, Femi Falana (SAN) provided a long list of low hanging fruits of stolen national patrimony that should be repossessed to refloat the economy. There was total silence about it nationally. Instead, the profligacy continued on constituency projects, and the President will soon get his additional latest toy for his and his family profligate travels with loads of state capture officials. We all agreed to 21 Billion naira being used to complete the residence of our sudden “Homeless Vice Presidents”

It is not enough to celebrate road infrastructures, which appears to be the new channel for corruption. Like the Lagos-Calabar one, there is the need to look into the manner of awards of contracts, who are the personalities and names involved? What are the interests involved?

Like Ruto, PBAT, in 2012 went waxing lyrical on being pro-people. In fact, he described the subsidy removal by the PDP-led government as “Jonathan tax”. He further accused the Jonathan presidency of betraying its social contract with the people by suddenly removing fuel subsidy.

He, however, provided a window out of the crisis: if subsidy must be removed at all, it must never be at one fell swoop. Rather it must be on calibrated phrases, on which the promised gains are measured and confirmed before moving to the next phase of removal.

“Government must modify the sudden and complete removal of the subsidy. Either we restore the subsidy or use the funds for other social purposes,” Asiwaju Tinubu counselled in a special release he captioned, ‘Removal of oil subsidy – President Jonathan breaks social contract with the people’ and which he personally signed.

“If we are to use the funds for other programmes, these programmes shall be placed on parallel track with the subsidy. As more of these programmes are ready to go on line, then the subsidy can be lifted in phases” he continued. “In this way, the public is assured government will not lower its total expenditure on their behalf, thus maintaining the spirit central to the social contract.”

But the former governor cautioned the federal government against economic policies that tend to balance the books at the detriment of the people’s welfare.

“As there is progressive politics, there is progressive economics. As there is elitist politics, there is elitist economics,” Asiwaju Tinubu explained. “It all depends on what and who in society government would rather favour. The Jonathan tax,” he declared, “represents a new standard in elitism.”

“Because he is slave to wrong-headed economics,” Asiwaju Tinubu said of President Goodluck Jonathan, “the people will become enslaved to greater misery. This crisis will bear his name and will be his legacy. The people now pay a steep tax for voting him into office. The removal of the subsidy is the ‘Jonathan tax’,” he insisted. “The situation shows that ideas count more than personalities. People may occupy office but how that person performs depends on the ideas that occupy his mind.”[40]

Insisting that the subsidy removal was ill-timed, he said there must be some conditions precedent before such a step could be taken.

“First government needs to clean up and throw away the salad of corruption in the NNPC [Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation]. Then, proceed to lay the foundation for a mass transit system in the railways and road network with long term bonds and,” he added, “fully develop the energy sector towards revitalising Nigeria’s economy and easing the burden any subsidy removal may have on the people.”[41]

Nigeria and Corruption

Over the last couple of years, Nigeria, Africa’s largest nation, gained unprecedented global attention on account of its unenviable record in corruption.[42] Nigeria’s inability to achieve enduring political stability is also not unconnected to the damaging effects of corruption, which continues to undermine the legitimacy of political leaders and public institutions, and thus the capacity of the state to implement development programmes[43]

That corruption is endemic in Nigeria is not in doubt. One can hardly open any newspaper in Nigeria without encountering vivid reports of sordid and sensational corruption cases. That Nigerians are lacking in many basic necessities of life, such as healthcare, food and shelter, as well as basic infrastructure including electricity, roads, etc., is also not in doubt. That an elite few are able to obtain their every desire for themselves and those closest to them is equally a truism that manifests in the coexistence of opulence and abject poverty.[44] That most of the few living in opulence dip their respective hands in the common purse to sustain their lifestyles by abusing their positions of authority (whether in the public or private sector) is also common knowledge.^[45]  Aside from failure of leadership, which manifests itself in many essential aspects of society in Nigeria, corruption remains the main challenge faced by the country.

The problem is that all, including the rapacious few in positions of authority, have not agreed that the situation before Nigeria is unsustainable. Corruption hampers growth and development, yet it persists and has, in fact, reached endemic proportions in spite of declared persistent attempts by Nigerian leaders to curb the menace. The general public has become part of the problem, through a complacency that accepts clear cases of mega-corruption with a palpable silence and inaction. The feeling of so many Nigerians is that corruption, even on a massive scale, with all its negative effects on the general good of the country, has become too frequent; these days, it barely raises an eyebrow.^[46]

The socio-economic hardships suffered by the majority of the population, are all linked to corruption, nepotism, inequalities and unconstitutional behaviours of political leaders, who engage in or support election rigging, violation of human rights and non-respect of the rule of law, intolerance of alternative views and the stifling of public opinion. Until these causative factors are treated, the ailments will persist or worsen.[47]

The insensitivity of political leaders blinds and numbs them to the pains of the masses. Officials of three arms of government – the executive, legislature and the judiciary – which are supposed to guarantee safety and security and advance the wellbeing of citizens, have instead, conspired and weaponised the system for the oppression and suppression of the people.[48]

Other reasons behind unending instability and political turmoil in the region are the inconsistency, lack of political will for a tough and principled stance; the violation of rules without consequences, or the observance in breach, of instruments and protocols designed to promote regional integration.[49]

Lessons

The Kenyan youth used their numbers to mobilize participants, spread awareness, and garner support using traditional methods like flyers and meetings, as well as modern technology and social media to resist the new tax regime poised to further impoverish the people and push government debt on citizens who are already crumbling under the weight of poor economic decisions.

Lessons for Nigeria and African Nations

Kenya’s experience with the Finance Bill 2024 offers profound lessons for Nigeria and other African nations navigating similar fiscal landscapes. Central to these lessons is the imperative of balancing revenue generation with socio-economic equity and public trust. Tax policies must prioritize fairness and inclusivity to avoid exacerbating income disparities and social unrest.

Consultation and stakeholder engagement are critical in shaping effective tax reforms. Kenya’s protests highlighted the importance of engaging civil society, businesses, and citizens early in the policymaking process to mitigate backlash and ensure policy acceptance. Nigeria can enhance its policy formulation by fostering transparent dialogue and incorporating diverse perspectives into tax reform initiatives.

Moreover, tax reforms should be mindful of their economic impact across different sectors and demographic groups. Kenya’s proposed VAT adjustments on essential goods underscored the delicate balance between revenue generation and consumer affordability. Nigerian policymakers must conduct thorough impact assessments to mitigate adverse effects on vulnerable populations and ensure sustainable economic growth.

Supporting the digital economy while taxing multinational corporations responsibly is another key takeaway from Kenya’s experience. As Africa embraces digital transformation, policies should incentivize local innovation and entrepreneurship while ensuring multinational corporations contribute equitably to national revenues. Nigeria can leverage Kenya’s approach to digital services taxation to foster a competitive digital ecosystem that drives economic diversification and job creation.

Moving Forward: Dialogue and Reform

President Ruto’s pledge to initiate a dialogue with Kenyan youth reflects a recognition of the need for inclusive governance and responsive leadership. However, sustaining momentum for meaningful reform beyond the Finance Bill’s withdrawal remains crucial. Addressing systemic issues of governance, corruption, and economic transparency will be paramount in rebuilding public trust and fostering a conducive environment for sustainable development.

The path forward for Kenya and other African nations entails navigating complex economic realities while upholding principles of accountability and social justice. Learning from Kenya’s recent protests, policymakers in Nigeria and across the continent must prioritize comprehensive reform agendas that address systemic inequalities, promote fairness and inclusive growth, while also ensuring long-term economic stability for all.

Reflections and Imperatives

Kenya’s Finance Bill 2024 saga serves as a poignant reminder of the intricate interplay between fiscal policy, public sentiment, and economic stability. While the bill’s withdrawal marked a victory for protesters, it also underscored deeper challenges in governance and economic management. Nigeria, with its own fiscal imperatives and socio-economic complexities, can draw invaluable insights from Kenya’s experience to shape more resilient and equitable tax policies.

By prioritizing equity, consultation, and economic prudence, Nigeria and other African nations can chart a path toward sustainable development and shared prosperity. The lessons learned from Kenya’s fiscal turbulence underscore the importance of adaptive policymaking, stakeholder engagement, and transparent governance in fostering resilient economies and inclusive societies across the continent. As Africa navigates a dynamic global landscape, leveraging these lessons will be instrumental in forging a future where fiscal policies drive equitable development and empower communities to thrive.

Kenya’s journey with the Finance Bill 2024 not only highlights the need for responsive governance but also underscores the imperative of fostering a robust dialogue between governments and their citizens. Beyond withdrawing contentious tax proposals, sustained efforts to address systemic issues such as corruption, economic inequality, and youth empowerment are essential. These efforts are pivotal in rebuilding trust in institutions and cultivating an environment conducive to sustainable economic growth and social cohesion.

The path forward demands bold leadership, informed decision-making, and a steadfast commitment to inclusive development. African nations must harness the momentum generated by Kenya’s protests to enact meaningful reforms that uphold the principles of fairness, transparency, and accountability. By embracing these principles, Nigeria and its regional counterparts can pave the way for a future where fiscal policies not only raise revenue but also promote social justice and economic resilience for all citizens.[50]

The Kenyan tax protests demonstrate the importance of inclusive policymaking, effective communication, responsive governance, and respect for human rights. These lessons are crucial for any government looking to implement significant economic reforms without provoking widespread unrest.

Hopefully, the Nigerian government is learning that under the right circumstances, collective resistance by citizens can shift policy.

Conclusion

There is no gainsaying the fact that Nigeria, like Kenya, faces leadership deficit. If there is only one problem to be fixed in Nigeria, nay Africa, it is leadership deficit. With visionary leadership, other problems like corruption/rule of law; deftly handling external dynamics; building of institutions; and multiplying human capacity and material resources could be addressed more easily. Addressing these foundational problems lead to solving human insecurity, development, respect for human rights as well as enhancing resilience in handling man-made and natural humanitarian issues.

The methods of electing leader in Nigeria are mostly flawed by corruption and politics of ethnicity. It easily explains why corruption, mismanagement and embezzlement, maladministration, impunity, political arrogance and rascality becomes the order of the day. Instability, lack of accountability and intimidations, greed, deceit, sycophancy, empty and purposeless and highly anti-people policies results in popular disillusionment.

Disillusionment, especially of youths, resulted in rowdy protests, loss of lives and properties in the Nigerian #EndSARS movement as well as the Gen-Zs occupying Kenya. The state, either in Kenya, and more so in Nigeria must re-strategise by pushing greed aside.

Kenya’s experience with the Finance Bill 2024 offers valuable insights for African nations grappling with similar fiscal challenges. The protests and subsequent withdrawal of the bill underscored the imperative of inclusive governance, transparent policymaking, and responsive leadership. It demonstrated that public engagement and dialogue are essential in shaping effective fiscal policies that prioritise socio-economic equity and public trust.

The lessons from Kenya resonate particularly with Nigeria, where issues of corruption, economic inequality, and governance deficits persistently undermine development efforts. By prioritising transparency, accountability, and stakeholder engagement, Nigerian policymakers can navigate complex economic landscapes and foster sustainable growth that benefits all segments of society.

Moreover, Kenya’s journey highlights the resilience of civic activism in holding governments accountable and driving policy change. As African nations forge ahead, it is imperative to heed these lessons, ensuring that fiscal reforms are not only revenue-driven but also contribute to inclusive development, poverty alleviation, and enhanced public welfare.

Ultimately, the Finance Bill 2024 saga underscores the interconnectedness of fiscal policies, public sentiment, and governance effectiveness. By embracing these insights, African nations can chart a path toward resilient economies and inclusive societies, where fiscal decisions reflect the aspirations and needs of all citizens.

Notes

[1] Badejo, B. (2022, December 22). Approach to Sustainable Development: Understanding the Quadruple Nexus. Retrieved from Kujenga Amani: https://kujenga-amani.ssrc.org/2022/12/22/an-approach-to-sustainable-development-understanding-the-quadruple-nexus/  

See also, Badejo, B. (2022) Nigerians’ on National Turmoil: A Situational Quadruple Analysis, (Lagos: Yintab Books).

[2] Badejo, Babafemi Adesina. “Draft Report” Study on the Interlinkages between the Development, Peace and Security, Human Rights and Humanitarian.” United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, December 14, 2020, https://www.uneca.org/sites/default/files/uploaded-documents/Subregional-studies/ECA%20Four-Pillar%20Interlinkages%20first%20draft20201215.pdf

[3] See, Sorobea N. Bogonko, KENYA 1945-1963: A Study in African National Movements, (Nairobi: Kenya Literature Bureau, 1980). See also, Babafemi A. Badejo, Raila Odinga: An Enigma in Kenyan Politics, (Lagos & Nairobi: Yintab Books, 2006).

[4] Badejo, B. (2022, December 22). Approach to Sustainable Development: Understanding the Quadruple Nexus. Retrieved from Kujenga Amani: https://kujenga-amani.ssrc.org/2022/12/22/an-approach-to-sustainable-development-understanding-the-quadruple-nexus/ and Badejo, B. (2022) Nigerians’ Views on National Turmoil: A Situational Quadruple Analysis. Lagos: Yintab Books.

[5] United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific What is Good Governance? https://www.unescap.org/sites/default/files/good-governance.pdf

[6] Badejo, B, (2022), op. cit.

[7] Badejo, B, (2006), op.cit.

[8] For details, see, Babafemi A. Badejo, “Politicization of Ethnicity, Inequities and Electoral Violence in Kenya,” Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization, Occasional Monograph, No. 9, 2008.

[9] Ibid

[10] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-11579285 retrieved on July 7, 2024.

[11] See, https://www.icc-cpi.int/kenya/kenyatta, and https://www.icc-cpi.int/kenya/rutosang, both retrieved on July 6, 2024.

[12] For details, see, Badejo, (2006), op. cit.

[13] See, Babafemi A. Badejo, “Situating Democracy as a Vehicle for Realisation of Utmost Freedom: An Intellectual Toast to Professor Liasu Adele JInadu”, in Alli, W. O. and Odukoya, A. O. (2023), Federalism, Elections and Challenges of Democratic Governance Essays in Honour of Professor Liasu Adele Jinadu. Lagos: Academic Publishing Centre. Pp.295 – 307.

[14] Babafemi A. Badejo, “Situating Democracy as a Vehicle for the Realisation of Utmost Freedom: An Intellectual Toast to Jinadu”

Babafemi A. Badejo, “Elections as Democracy: A Thriving Deception.”

[15] Babafemi A. Badejo, Nigerians’ Views on National Turmoil: A Situational Quadruple Nexus Analysis, (Lagos: Yintab Books, 2022).

[16] ROUNDTABLE | Kenya Post-Election 2022 Review. https://www.kofiannanfoundation.org/news/kenya-post-election-roundtable-2022/

[17] Babafemi Badejo, Technology Makes Rigging of Elections Even Easier: Key Take-away From The 14th LEADERSHIP Conference and Awards. https://leadership.ng/technology-makes-rigging-of-elections-even-easier-key-take-away-from-the-14th-leadership-conference-and-awards/

[18] Peter Lockwood, Hustler Populism, Anti-Jubilee Backlash And Economic Injustice In Kenya’s 2022 Elections, African Affairs, Volume 122, Issue 487, April 2023, Pages 205–224, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adad011

[19] Peter Lockwood, Hustler Populism, Anti-Jubilee Backlash And Economic Injustice In Kenya’s 2022 Elections, African Affairs, Volume 122, Issue 487, April 2023, Pages 205–224, https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adad011

[20] Ibid.

[21] https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/kenyas-top-court-rule-disputed-presidential-election-2022-09-04/#:~:text=NAIROBI

[22]Faustine Ngila, Kenya’s ‘hustler’ president is emptying the pockets of the poor. November 1, 2022. https://qz.com/ruto-is-emptying-the-pockets-of-poor-kenyans-1849726707

[23] https://www.thecable.ng/fact-check-is-kenyas-ruto-first-african-leader-in-20-years-to-be-invited-for-state-visit-in-us/

[24] Peter Fabricius, William Ruto wins in Washington – but does Kenya? 31 May, 2024. https://issafrica.org/iss-today/william-ruto-wins-in-washington-but-does-kenya  

[25] Peter Fabricius, William Ruto wins in Washington – but does Kenya? 31 May, 2024. https://issafrica.org/iss-today/william-ruto-wins-in-washington-but-does-kenya

[26] See, “The Common African Position on the Proposed Reform of the United Nations: ‘Ezulwini Consensus’”, African Union, Executive Council, 7^th Extraordinary Session, 7-8 March, 2005, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Ext/EX.CL/2(VII).

[27] Viral TikTok rendition, Senator Richard Onyonka of the former Kitutu Chache MP (2008 – 2022). https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nNLcQ0wg7-w

[28] https://www.businessdailyafrica.com/bd/economy/first-lady-budget-increased-17-percent-to-sh696-million–4611150

[29] This was at a meeting in Mogadishu, Somalia and the author of this study was one of the attendees at the meeting.

[30] STATEMENT BY HIS EXCELLENCY WILLIAM RUTO, C.G.H.; PhD; PRESIDENT AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE KENYA DEFENSE FORCES, WHILE THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF FURTHER AUSTERITY MEASURES. JULY 5, 2024

[31] Ibid

[32] Ibid.

[33] See Jerome Afeikhena, “Managing Oil Rent for Sustainable Development and Poverty Reduction in Africa,” paper presented at the UNU-WIDER Jubilee Conference, “Thinking Ahead: The Future of Development Economics,” Helsinki, June 17-18, 2005, available at http://website1.wider.unu.edu/conference/conference-2005-3/conference-2005-3-papers/Jerome.pdf.

[34] Babafemi A. Badejo, Nigerians’ Views on National Turmoil: A Situational Quadruple Nexus Analysis, (Lagos: Yintab Books, 2022).

[35] Ibid.

[36] Sahara Reporters, “Nigerian Election 2023: What Did We Learn From It”, March 29, 2023, Opinion in https://saharareporters.com/2023/03/29/nigerian-election-2023-what-did-we-learn-it-matthew-ma

[37] Chijioke Iremeka, “Electoral fraud, technology and future of Nigeria’s democracy” The Guardian, 08 April 2023, in https://guardian.ng/saturday-magazine/electoral-fraud-technology-and-future-of-nigerias-democracy/

 See also, Voter Suppression and Electoral Integrity Crisis in Nigeria’s 2023 General Elections

by Saheed Olasunkanmi OduolaJuly 20, 2023. https://kujenga-amani.ssrc.org/2023/07/20/voter-suppression-and-electoral-integrity-crisis-in-nigerias-2023-general-elections/

[38] https://guardian.ng/nigeria-does-not-need-tourist-in-chief-atiku-tells-tinubu/#google_vignette

[39]  By Basillioh Rukanga. William Ruto and Bola Tinubu: Africa’s ‘flying presidents’ under fire. 19 February 2024. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-68201964

[40] https://pmnewsnigeria.com/2012/01/11/tinubu-jonathan-has-betrayed-the-people/

[41] https://pmnewsnigeria.com/2012/01/11/tinubu-jonathan-has-betrayed-the-people/

[42] In 1999, Nigeria was ranked the second most corrupt country in the world, by the Transparency International. (Available at http://www.gwdg.de/~uwvw/ .) In 2000, it emerged the most corrupt country. (See http://www.gwdg.de/~uwvw/ .) By 2001, it fell to the second position (http://www.transparency.org/cpi/2001/cpi2001.html ). In 2002 and 2003 ranking, it maintained the same position. (Available at http://www.transparency.org )

[43] David Uchenna Enweremadu, The struggle against Corruption in Nigeria: the Role of the National Anti-Corruption Commission (ICPC) under the Fourth Republic. p. 41-66. https://books.openedition.org/ifra/916#ftn1

[44] Babafemi A. Badejo, Third Policy and Governance Discussion Forum (PGDF) Roundtable “FOSTERING GOOD GOVERNANCE THROUGH STRENGTHNING THE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION” March 23, 2024. file:///C:/Users/pc/Downloads/Final%20PGDP%20Q1%202024.pdf

[45] Babafemi A. Badejo, “Persistence of Corruption in Nigeria: Towards a Holistic Focus”, in Sunday Bobai Agang et. al., (eds.), A Multidimensional Perspective on Corruption in Africa: Wealth, Power, Religion and Democracy, (Newcastle upon Tynes: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2019), Chapter 7.

[46] Ibid.

[47] Paul Ejime ECOWAS and the Fear of Regional Disintegration                                        

[48] Paul Ejime ECOWAS and the Fear of Regional Disintegration

[49] Ibid.

[50] Kenya’s Finance Bill 2024 – Lessons For Nigeria and Beyond

https://leadership.ng/kenyas-finance-bill-2024-lessons-for-nigeria-and-beyond/  

Babafemi A. Badejo, a former deputy special representative of the UN Secretary-General for Somalia , is currently a legal practitioner and professor of Political Science and International Relations at Chrisland University, Abeokuta.